FAMOUS QUOTE OF KARL MARX

 

 

Discover the most famous quotes and proverbs of KARL MARX, political activist, philosopher and theoretician.


Karl MARX  LittleBigDolls Karl MARX


 

 

It is not the consciousness of men that determines their existence, but rather their social existence that determines their consciousness.

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Anyone who does not know history is condemned to relive it.

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The history of any society up to the present day has been nothing more than the history of class struggles.

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If you love without arousing mutual love, that is, if your love, as love, does not arouse mutual love, if by your vital manifestation as a loving man you do not transform yourself into a loved man, your love is impotent and it is a misfortune.

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Religion is the opium of the people.

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Philosophers have only interpreted the world differently, what matters is to change it

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But the bourgeoisie did not only forge the weapons that put it to death: it also produced the men who will handle these weapons_the modern workers, the proletarians.

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To radically cure censorship, it would have to be abolished.

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What distinguishes the new era from the old one is that the whip begins to think it is awesome.

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Whoever wants to beat his opponent does not discuss with him the costs of war.

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Any class that aspires to domination must first conquer political power in order to represent its own interest as the general interest.

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Criticism of religion is the first condition of any criticism.

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Thiers, this monstrous midget, held the French bourgeoisie under his spell for more than half a century, because he is the most complete intellectual expression of his own class corruption.

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The modern government is only an administrative committee for the affairs of the bourgeois class.

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The history of any society up to the present day has been nothing more than the history of class struggles.

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Thiers was consistent only in his greed for wealth, and in his hatred of the men who produce it.

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An archi-bourgeois English leaf reports that workers' associations can successfully run and administer shops and factories in all branches of industry, and at the same time extraordinarily improve the condition of workers, but... but it is not clear what place they give to the capitalist. What a horror!

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Epicurus' cry: the ungodly is not the one who despises the gods of the crowd, but the one who adheres to the idea that the crowd has of the gods.

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Philosophy does not hide this. She embraces Prometheus' profession of faith: In a word, I have hatred for all the gods! And this motto is opposed to all the gods of heaven and earth, who do not recognize human consciousness as the supreme divinity

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And the first task of philosophy, which is at the service of history, consists, once the holy image that represented man's renunciation of himself has been unmasked, in unmasking this renunciation in its profane forms. Criticism of Heaven is thus transformed into criticism of the earth, criticism of religion into criticism of the law, criticism of theology into criticism of politics.

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Religion is the opium of the people.

Capital is dead labour, which only comes to life by sucking like a vampire of living labour, and which is all the more alive as it sucks more.

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Faced with the prejudices of public opinion to which I have never made any concessions, I continue to make my own the motto of the great Florentine: Segui il tuo corso, and lascia dir le genti.

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If money, as Augier says, is born with natural blood spots on a cheek, capital comes into the world dripping with blood and dirt through all its pores, from head to toe.

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If Germany could be brought to war against Russia, it would be the end of the Habsburgs and Hohenzollerns and the social revolution would be victorious all along.

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Everything extreme is another extreme. Abstract spiritualism is abstract materialism. Abstract materialism is the abstract spiritualism of matter.

On flat ground, simple hills appear as hills, so the flatness of the contemporary bourgeoisie can be measured by the caliber of its strong minds.

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Individuals only constitute a class if they have to support a common struggle against another class; for the rest, they confront each other as enemies in competition.

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The wage is determined by the struggle between capitalist and worker. Victory necessarily belongs to the capitalist.

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If you assume man as man and his relationship to the world as a human relationship, you can only exchange love for love, trust for trust, etc.

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The wealth of societies in which capitalism reigns promises to be a gigantic accumulation of goods.

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The viewpoint of ancient materialism is bourgeois society. The point of view of the new materialism is human society, or socialized humanity.

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Philosophers so far have only interpreted the world in different ways: the challenge now is to transform it.

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Philosophers have only interpreted the world differently: it is now a question of transforming it.

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It is not consciousness that determines life, but life that determines consciousness.

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Contrary to the German philosophy that descends from heaven to earth, it is earth to heaven that we ascend here.

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Work itself is harmful and fatal not only in the present conditions, but in general, insofar as its purpose is simply to increase wealth.

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Natural needs themselves are constantly changing. What variety is there, indeed, in the objects that serve as the main food for different peoples?

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The workers have no homeland.

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In the family, the man is the bourgeois; the woman plays the role of the proletariat.

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But does salaried work, the work of the proletarian, create property for him? No, not at all. It creates capital, i.e. the property that exploits wage labour, which can only increase if it produces additional wage labour and exploits it again. Property, in its current form, moves in the opposition between capital and wage labour.

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Wages are determined by the open struggle between capitalists and workers. Need for victory for the capitalist. The capitalist can live longer without the worker, than the worker without the capitalist. Union between habitual and efficient capitalists, the union between workers is forbidden and full of unfortunate consequences for them. In addition, the landowner and the capitalist may add industrial benefits to their income; the worker may not add to his industrial income any land rent or capital interest. That is why there is so much competition between workers. It is therefore for the worker alone that the separation of capital, land ownership and labour is a necessary, essential and harmful separation. Capital and land ownership may not remain within the limits of this abstraction, but the worker's work cannot leave it.

History does not do anything by itself and it goes through many phases when it wants to lead to its final resting place as an old social form. The last phase of a historical form is comedy.

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The greatest social measure of the Commune was its own existence in action.

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Philosophy is to the study of the real world what onanism is to sexual love.

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War on the German social state! Of course it is! This state is below the level of history, it is below any criticism, but it is nonetheless an object of criticism, just as the criminal, who is below the level of humanity, remains the object of the executioner. In the struggle against this social state, criticism is not a passion of the head, but the head of the passion. It is not a scalpel, but a weapon. Its object is its enemy, whom it does not want to refute, but to destroy.

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Capital is similar to the vampire, it only comes to life by sucking living labour and its life is all the more joyful as it pumps more of it.

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Are you criticizing us for wanting to abolish the exploitation of children by their parents? We confess to this crime. But we suppress, you say, the most intimate bonds, by substituting family education for education by society... The communists do not invent society's action on education; they only change its character and tear education away from the influence of the ruling class.

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Man is not only a social animal, but an animal that can only be individualized in society.

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The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win. Workers of all countries, unite!

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The ordinary English worker hates the Irish worker as a competitor who lowers his average standard of living. He felt that he was a member of a ruling nation, thereby becoming an instrument of his aristocrats and capitalists against Ireland and consolidating their domination over him. Religious, social and national prejudices set him against the Irish worker. He behaves towards him in much the same way as poor whites towards blacks in the former slave states of the American Union. The Irishman returns the favor largely. He sees in him both the accomplice and the blind instrument of English domination in Ireland

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The Proletariat goes through different phases of evolution. His struggle against the Bourgeoisie began with his very existence.

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The tradition of all dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brains of the living

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It is not enough for thought to seek realization, reality must also seek thought.

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Religion is the sigh of creation overwhelmed by misfortune, the soul of a heartless world, just as it is the spirit of an age without a spirit. It is the opium of the people.

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I am writing to you again, because I am alone and because it bothers me to be always in dialogue with you in my head, without you knowing or hearing anything about it, without you being able to answer me. As bad as it may be, your portrait does me the best service, and I now understand how the "black virgins", the most infamous portraits of the mother of God, could find unfailing worshippers, and even more worshippers than the quality portraits. In any case, none of these representations of black madonnas has ever received more kisses, eyelashes and testimonies of adoration than your photograph, which is certainly not black, but hard, and absolutely does not reflect your dear kind face and which calls for kisses, your gentle face. But I correct the rays of the sun that have made a bad painting and I find that my eyes, however damaged they may be by artificial lighting and tobacco, still know how to paint not only in dreams, but even in the waking state. I have you in the flesh before me, and I carry you in my hands, I kiss you from head to toe, I kneel before you and sigh: "Madam, I love you. "And I love you indeed, more than the Moor of Venice ever loved.

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The true happiness of the people requires that religion be suppressed as the illusory happiness of the people. To demand that illusions about our own situation be renounced is to demand that a situation that needs illusions be renounced. The criticism of religion is therefore, in germ, the criticism of this valley of tears of which religion is the halo.

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If you want to read in the book of the future, then open Smith, Ray, Ricardo. There you will find the clearest description of the condition that awaits workers under the perfect free trade regime. Take for example an authority such as Ricardo. [...]
What is the natural and normal price of a worker's work, to speak as an economist? Ricardo answers: "The minimum wage is reduced to a minimum - its lowest level".

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History does nothing, it is man, real and alive, who does everything.

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I know we are not resting on a rock, but where is there firm and constant soil today? Are they not visible everywhere, the traces of the earthquake and the mined ground, on which the company has established its temples and shops?

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What immediately distinguishes the worst architect from the most expert bee is that he built the cell in his head before building it in the hive.

History does nothing, it is man, real and alive, who does everything.

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Work does not only produce goods; it produces itself and produces the worker as a commodity, insofar as it produces goods in general.

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The observation convinced me that you are not a worker by nature, despite the outbreaks of feverish activity and goodwill.

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The feudal society corresponds to the watermill, and the steam mill to the bourgeois society.

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Salaried work appears as the negation of the fixed nature of work and its remuneration.

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Philosophy is to the study of the real world what onanism is to sexual love.

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A true revolution is only possible in periods when these two factors - modern productive forces and bourgeois forms of production - conflict with each other.

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The workers... must write on their flag the revolutionary slogan: "Abolition of wage labour", which is their final objective.

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Capital will never bring me back what the cigars I smoked while writing it cost me.

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The main defect of all materialism is that the object, reality, materiality are only considered in the form of the object or intuition, but not as a sensitive activity of man, as praxis, not subjectively.

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A commodity appears at first glance to be something trivial and self-understanding. On the contrary, our analysis has shown that it is a very complex thing, full of metaphysical subtlety and theological arguments.

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Private property has made us so stupid and narrow-minded that an object is only ours when we own it.

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Everything, I would like to conquer it - All the favours of the gods - And possess the knowledge - Embrace the whole art.

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We are not going to the world as doctrines to bring a new principle to it. We do not say to him, "Here is the truth. Fall to your knees!"

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Nor does the law have its own history any more than religion.

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Let us not seek the secret of the Jew in his religion, but the secret of religion in the real Jew.

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Torture alone has produced the most ingenious mechanical discoveries, the production of which provides work for a host of honest craftsmen.

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It is not the consciousness of men that determines their existence, but rather their social existence that determines their consciousness.

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There is only one way to kill capitalism: taxes, taxes and always more taxes.

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For us, communism is not a state of affairs to be established, an ideal to which reality must conform. We call communism the real movement that abolishes the current state of things.

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After me the flood! This is the motto of every capitalist and every capitalist nation.

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All this chorus of slander that the party of the order never fails, in its blood orgies, to chant against its victims, only proves that the bourgeois nowadays considers itself the legitimate successor of the baron of yesteryear, for whom any weapon in its hand was just against the plebeian, whereas in the hands of the plebeians the slightest weapon constituted by itself a crime.

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It is well known that, in real history, it was the conquest, enslavement, armed robbery, the reign of brutal force that played the greatest role

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Capitalist production... destroys not only the physical health of urban workers and the spiritual life of rural workers, but also disrupts the material flow between man and the earth, and the eternal natural condition of sustainable soil fertility.

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Revolutions are the locomotives of history.

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You're going to smile, sweetheart, and wonder how it happened that I suddenly came to all this rhetoric. But if I could hold your sweet pure heart against my heart, I would be silent and not say a word. Since I can't kiss with my lips, I have to kiss with language and make words. (Marx to Jenny)

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Whatever the social forms of production, workers and the means of production always remain the factors, virtual factors as long as they are separate, and which only really act when they are united with each other. The special way in which they are combined distinguishes the different economic periods from the social structure. The case before us is characterized by the dissociation of the free worker and his means of production; we have seen how, and under what conditions, they meet in the hands of the capitalist to constitute his productive capital. The production process between the material and personal creators of goods, brought together in this way, thus becomes itself a function of capital, the nature of which has been developed in detail in the first volume of this book. Each production of goods becomes at the same time an exploitation of the labour force; but it is only with the capitalist production of goods that a new era of exploitation begins, which, in its historical development, revolutionizes the whole economic structure of society and incomparably surpasses all previous periods by the organization of the labour process and by the gigantic development of technology.

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Philosophers have only interpreted the world in different ways, but it is a question of transforming it.

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There is nothing more horrible in the grotesque than a Tom Thumb who affects playing Tamerlane.

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We know only one science, the science of history. History can be considered on both sides and divided into natural history and human history. But the two sides cannot be separated, however: as long as there are men, the history of nature and the history of men will condition each other.

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These workers, forced to sell themselves on a daily basis, are a commodity like any other commercial item.

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Part of the bourgeoisie wishes to remedy social anomalies in order to ensure the maintenance of bourgeois society.

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These include: economists, philanthropists, humanitarians, improvers of the situation of the working classes, charity dispensers, animal protectors, founders of temperance societies, chamber reformers and all kinds of reformers.

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For us, communism is neither a state that must be created nor an ideal on which reality must be regulated. We call communism the real movement that abolishes the current state. (Introduction by Jean Bruhat).

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When you try to convince someone, it's because you recognize that they are in control of the situation.

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Capitalism subjected all men to the reign of money and dissolved all the bonds that united them. The family itself did not resist. Man has become a commodity like any other, whose price is regulated by the law of supply and demand, by competition.

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It is not a question of understanding the world, but of changing it.

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From everyone according to their abilities, to everyone according to their needs.

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Nothing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a socialist veneer (...)Christian socialism is nothing more than holy water with which the priest consecrates the grudge of aristocrats.

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To transform private and fragmented property, the object of individual labour, into capitalist property, it has naturally taken more time, effort and effort than will be required by the metamorphosis into social property of capitalist property, which is already based on a collective mode of production. In this case, it was the expropriation of the mass by a few usurpers; in this case, it was the expropriation of a few usurpers by the mass.

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An idea becomes a force when it seizes the masses.
From everyone according to their abilities to everyone according to their needs.

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Freedom is the French expression of the unity of the human being, of generic consciousness and of man's social and human relationship with man.

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The field of freedom begins where work stops.

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The whole story is just a transformation of human nature.

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The production of capitalism generates, with the inexorability of a law of nature, its own negation.

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Capital is similar to the vampire, only comes to life by sucking living labour and its life is all the more joyful as it pumps more of it.

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If money, according to Augier, is born with a natural blood stain on the cheek, capital is born dripping with blood and mud from head to toe.

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Philosophers have only interpreted the world differently, it is now a question of transforming it.

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Any class that aspires to domination must first conquer political power in order to represent its own interest as the general interest.

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On flat ground, simple hills look like hills.

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The stubborn behaviour of men in the face of nature conditions their stubborn behaviour among themselves.

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Religion is the sigh of the overwhelmed creature, the heart of a heartless world, just as it is the spirit of a spiritless age. It is the opium of the people.

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The political state is vis-à-vis civil society in a relationship as spiritualist as heaven is towards earth.

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The means is part of the truth, as well as the result. The search for the truth must itself be true; the true search is the truth deployed, whose scattered members meet in the result.

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Celestial bodies are eternal and immutable; they have their centre of gravity in themselves, not outside themselves;

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Religious misery is, on the one hand, the expression of real misery and, on the other hand, protest against real misery. Religion is the sigh of the creature overwhelmed by misfortune, the soul of a heartless world, just as it is the spirit of an age without a spirit. It is the opium of the people.

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The accumulation of capital, which initially appears only as the quantitative expansion of capital, is achieved, as we have seen, in a continuous qualitative change in its composition, in a permanent increase in its constant component at the expense of its variable component.

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"Circumstances make men just as much as men make circumstances"

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"it is only in the community that personal freedom is possible"

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It is a revolution against the State itself, this supernatural runt of society, the recovery by the people and for the people of their own social life.

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Bureaucracy is the sordid materialism we have just mentioned. On the other hand, its sordid spiritualism appears in the fact that it wants to do everything, that is, to make will the primary cause, the causa prima, the primary cause: as it is dedicated to activity and as it receives its content from outside, it can only prove its existence by imposing a form and a limit on this content. The bureaucrat sees in the world only one simple object of his activity.

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"...the bourgeoisie produces its own gravediggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are also inevitable."

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If money, according to Augier, is born with a natural blood stain on the cheek, capital is born dripping with blood and mud from head to toe."

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"Philosophers have only interpreted the world in different ways, what matters is to transform it.

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My conscience is my relationship with what surrounds me.

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In modern agriculture, as in urban industry, increased productivity and higher labour productivity can be bought at the cost of destroying and drying up the labour force. Moreover, every progress of capitalist agriculture is a progress not only in the art of exploiting the worker, but also in the art of stripping the soil; every progress in the art of increasing its fertility for a time, a progress in ruining its sustainable sources of fertility.

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If she saw in each movement of society's life a threat to calm, how could she maintain at the top of society the regime of unrest, her own regime, the parliamentary regime, that regime, which, according to one of her speakers, lives only in and through struggle?

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In this society those who work do not win and those who win do not work. (p.95 - GF Flammarion)

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The role of the bourgeoisie in history has been revolutionary in the first place.

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Wherever the bourgeoisie seized power, it destroyed all the feudal, patriarchal and idyllic conditions of social existence. She mercilessly broke the complex and varied feudal bonds that bound each man to the men whom birth placed above him, and she did not want there to remain between men any other bond than the naked interest, where feeling has no part, and only the strict requirements of cash payment. The sacred shivers of pious ardour, chivalrous impulses, bourgeois sensibility, she drowned them in the icy flow of calculating selfishness. It has converted the dignity of the human person into values of exchange and, instead of all the liberties ardently pursued and dearly conquered, it has established, all by itself, the soulless freedom of commercial transactions. In a word, instead of exploitation disguised under an illusory costume of religion and politics, it has replaced blatant, indecent, direct and brutal exploitation.

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The bourgeoisie has stripped all the jobs of human activity that until then had been respected and contemplated with pious veneration. From the doctor, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the scientist, she made employees for her wages.

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The bourgeoisie has torn away the veil of emotion and sentimentality that the family prided itself on, and the family bond has been reduced to a matter of money.
(...)
The need to open up ever-wider markets for its products prompted the bourgeoisie to run wild all over the world. It must infiltrate everywhere, settle everywhere, hang everywhere the network of its exchanges.
(...)
It forces all the nations of the world to adopt, under penalty of perishing, its own way of producing; it forces them to introduce into themselves what is called civilization, that is, to become bourgeois themselves. In a word, it shapes a world in its own image. (n°6 & 8-9)

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The value quantity thus expresses a production relationship, the intimate link that exists between an object and the portion of social work that is needed to give it birth.

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What distinguishes the new era from the old one is that the whip begins to think it is awesome.

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In the United States of North America, any desire for independence on the part of the workers remained paralysed as long as slavery defiled part of the Republic's soil. Work under white skin cannot be emancipated where work under black skin is stigmatized and withered. But the death of slavery immediately brought forth new life. The first fruit of the war was the agitation of the eight hours, which ran, with the locomotive's seven league boots, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Pacific Ocean, from New England to California. The General Workers' Congress in Baltimore (August 16, 1866) made the following statement: "The first and greatest need of the present, to free the work of this country from capitalist slavery, is the enactment of a law according to which the working day must consist of eight hours in all the states of the American Union. We are determined to use all our strength until this glorious result is achieved."

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The capitalist begins by dispensing with manual labour. Then, when its capital grows and with it the collective force it exploits, it resigns from its function of immediate and assiduous supervision of workers and groups of workers and transfers it to a particular kind of employee. As soon as he is at the head of an industrial army, he needs senior officers (directors, managers) and lower officers (supervisors, inspectors, foremen), who, during the labour process, command on behalf of capital.

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The doctor, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the scientist, she[the bourgeoisie] made them employees in her own right.

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Workers of all countries, unite!

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"Humanity never asks itself to solve only the problems it can. The problem only arises where the material conditions to solve it already exist. »

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Karl Marx's 1844 economic-philosophical manuscripts from 1844
Social processes would not be pathological if society were the place for individuals to achieve, develop or realize themselves. Criticism of the existing social reality, the identification of the social pathologies generated by the existing society is based on the idea of an "association in which the free development of each person is the condition for the free development of all".

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We now have to conceive the essential chain between private property, greed, the separation between labour, capital and land ownership, between exchange and competition, between the value and devaluation of man, between monopoly and competition, etc., in short between all this alienation and the money system.

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The national economist tells us that everything is bought by labour and that capital is nothing more than accumulated labour, but at the same time he tells us that, far from the worker being able to buy everything, he must sell himself and his humanity.

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"If money, according to Augier, is born with a natural blood stain on the cheek, capital is born dripping with blood and mud from head to toe."

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"If I only get 12 hours of work from my people, while my neighbour gets 18 or 20 hours from his, I will be beaten by him on the price of the goods."

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What is certain is that I am not a Marxist.

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Karl Marx's statement to Paul Lafargue, journalist, founder with Jules Guesde of "L'Egalité", a newspaper founded in 1879.

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"It is not criticism, but revolution that is the driving force of history"

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The relationship between industry, the world of wealth in general, and the political world is a major problem of modern times.

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If money is the bond that binds me to human life, that binds society to me and that binds me to nature and man, is not money the bond of all bonds? Is it not also the universal bond of separation? It is the true divisional currency, like the true chemical means of union, the universal force of society.

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Shakespeare highlights two main properties of silver:

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1. He is the visible divinity, the transformation of all human and natural qualities into their opposite, the confusion and universal perversion of things; he makes impossibilities fraternize.
2. He is the universal courtesan, the universal intermediary of men and peoples.

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The perversion and confusion of all human and natural qualities, the fraternization of impossibilities - the divine power of money - are involved in its essence as a generic alienated, alienating and alienating essence of men. He is the alienated power of humanity. (p. 25)

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The essential condition of existence and supremacy for the bourgeois class is the accumulation of wealth in private hands, the formation and growth of capital; the condition of capital is labour. Salaried employment is based exclusively on competition between workers.

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As the exploitation of man by man is abolished, so is the exploitation of a nation by another nation. From the day when the antagonism of the classes within the nation falls, so does the hostility of the nations among themselves.

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With the Manifesto, as they assimilate its content, the proletarians begin to move from the consciousness of misery to the science of misery.

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Religion is born of the narrow conceptions of man.

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We will then see that, for a long time, the world has had a dream of something that it only needs to be aware of to really possess it. (letter to Arnold Ruge)

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Passions without truth, truths without passion; heroes without heroism, history without events; development whose only driving force seems to be the calendar, tiring through the constant repetition of the same tensions and tensions, antagonisms that only seem to periodically sharpen by themselves to be able to blunt themselves without resolving themselves.

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The field of freedom begins where the work determined by necessity ends.

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In a brief outline of a national organization that the Commune did not have time to develop, it is expressly stated that the Commune should be the political form even of the smallest rural hamlets and that in rural areas the standing army should be replaced by a popular militia with extremely short service time. The rural communes of each department were to administer their common affairs through an assembly of delegates at the chief town of the department, and these departmental assemblies were in turn to send deputies to the national delegation in Paris; the delegates were to be revocable at any time and bound by the imperative mandate of their electors.
The unity of the nation was not to be broken, but on the contrary organized by the communal constitution; it was to become a reality through the destruction of state power, which claimed to be the embodiment of that unity, but wanted to be independent of the nation itself, and superior to it, whereas it was only a parasitic outgrowth.

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It was both the failure to take into account the "line of colour" and conscious racism that prevented the American labour movement from taking up the cause of the victims of white oppression in the South.

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Philosophers have only interpreted the world in different ways, but it is about transforming it."

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The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains.

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Driven by the need for ever new opportunities, the bourgeoisie invaded the entire globe. It must establish itself everywhere, operate everywhere, establish relationships everywhere.

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we must not believe that knowledge of meteors, whether taken as a whole or in particular, leads us to anything other than ataraxy and firm trust just like the rest of the science of nature. What we need for our lives is not ideology and vain assumptions, but what can make us live without disturbance. Just as it is the business of physiology to search for the causes of what is most important, it is also what the bliss given by meteor theory comes down to.

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The proletariat is recruited from all strata of the population.

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Workers of all countries, unite!

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Human nature being the true community of men, they produce by affirming their nature, the human community, the social being which is not a general power, abstract in front of the isolated individual, but the being of each individual, his own activity, his own life, his own enjoyment, his own wealth. This true community is therefore not born of reflection; it seems to be the product of the need and selfishness of individuals, in other words the affirmation of their existence itself. It does not depend only on man whether this community is or is not; but until man recognizes himself as such and organizes the world humanely, this community will have the form of alienation: subject of this community, man is a being alienated from himself. Men are these alienated beings, not in abstraction, but as real, living, particular individuals. Such individuals, such a community. Man is alienated from himself, that is, the society of this alienated man is the caricature of his real community, of his real generic life; that his activity appears to him as a torment, his own creations as a foreign power, his wealth as poverty, the deep bond that connects him to others as an artificial bond, the separation from others as his true existence; that life is the sacrifice of his life; that the realization of his being is the loss of his life; that in production he produces his nothingness; that his power over the object is the power of the object over him. (Community and individual in "Economy and Philosophy")

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"In other words, we do not start from what men say, imagine, represent themselves, nor from what we say, think, imagine and represent themselves about them, to come to man in the flesh; it is from really active men and their real life processes that we expose the development of the reflections and ideological echoes of this process"

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"All that had solidity and permanence goes away in fumes, all that was sacred is profane, and men are finally forced to consider their living conditions and their mutual relationships with disillusioned eyes"

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"Value (exchange value) is a property of things, wealth (use value) is a property of man. Value in this sense necessarily implies exchange, wealth, no."

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"Observations on certain verbal disputes in political economy"

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From there, the magic of money.

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As soon as the merchandise is changed into a silver chrysalis, the silver ceases to be a solid crystal.

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What distinguishes the swinger above all from his merchandise is that for the latter, any other merchandise is only a form of appearance of his own value. Debauched and cynical, of course she is always on the point of exchanging her soul and even her body with any other commodity, the latter being as unattractive as Maritorne. This sense that he lacks to appreciate the concrete side of his sisters, the swingers compensate him and develop it with his own senses, five or more in number. For him, the goods have no immediate useful value; if it were otherwise, he would not lead them to the market. The only useful value he finds in it is that it is a value carrier, useful to others and therefore an instrument of exchange.

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Goods are things and, consequently, there is no resistance to man. If they lack good will, he can use force, in other words, seize it.

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In the 12th century, so famous for its piety, we often find among the goods very delicate things. A French poet of that time points out, for example, among the goods that were seen on the Landit market, alongside fabrics, shoes, leathers, agricultural instruments, "women who were crazy about their bodies".

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In the busiest streets of London, the shops follow the shops, and behind their glassy eyes burst all the riches of the universe, Indian shawls, American revolvers, Chinese porcelain, Parisian corsets, Russian furs and tropical spices; but all these articles from all over the world carry on their forehead fatal white labels with Arabic numerals engraved followed by laconic letters £, s, d.

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he wealth of a country is therefore measured by the amount of work its inhabitants can buy.

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This controversy against money is linked to very specific historical conditions, since Boisguillebert is waging war against the destructive and blind passion for gold, which possessed the court of Louis XIV, his general farmers and his nobility, while Petty exalts in this passion for gold the effective instinct that drives a people to develop their industry and conquer the world market. We note the fierce antagonism that is constantly being repeated between the truly English and French political economies.

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Direct slavery is the backbone of our contemporary industrialization as much as machines, credits, etc. Without slavery there is no cotton and without cotton there is no modern industry. It is slavery that has given value to the colonies; it is the colonies that have created the world trade; it is the world trade that is the sine qua non of large-scale mechanized industry.

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To the development of the bourgeoisie, that is to say of capital, responds in equal proportion the development of the proletariat, of the class of modern workers who live only as long as they find work, and who find work only as long as their work increases capital. These workers, who are forced to sell themselves in pieces, are a commodity like any other commercial item and are therefore exposed in the same way to all the vicissitudes of competition, to all the fluctuations of the market.

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Masses of workers, crammed into the factory, were militarily organized. They are placed as ordinary soldiers of the industry under the supervision of a complete hierarchy of non-commissioned officers and officers. They are not only the servants of the bourgeois class, of the bourgeois state, they are domesticated every day, every hour, by the machine, by the supervisor, by the bourgeois alone. This despotism is all the more pettier, obnoxious, exasperating, as it proclaims more openly that its ultimate end is profit.

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You are horrified because we want to abolish private property. But in your society, private property is abolished for nine-tenths of its members. It is precisely because it does not exist for these nine-tenths that it exists for you. You therefore reproach us for wanting to abolish a form of ownership that can only be constituted on the condition that the vast majority of society is deprived of any ownership.

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Abolish the exploitation of man by man and you will abolish the exploitation of one nation by another nation.

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In the political struggle, they therefore take an active part in all violent measures against the working class. And in everyday life, they know, despite their blistered phraseology, how to stoop down to pick up the golden fruits that fall from the tree of industry and trade all the chivalrous virtues, honour, love and loyalty for hatred, beet sugar and brandy.

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The ruling classes have constantly tried to ward off the spectre of Paris-Commune, which has risen several times (in 1936 with the strikes of the Popular Front, in 1945 with the insurrection and liberation of Paris, in 1968 with its general strike and barricades). Since then, all urban policies have constantly emptied the Paris-Commune of its popular energies, exiling the people of the districts in the grey zone of the increasingly distant suburbs, to make it a city without citizens, a showcase city and a monument city. (introduction by Daniel Bensaïd)

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The bourgeoisie produces above all its own gravediggers.

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Bonaparte would like to appear as the patriarchal benefactor of all classes of society. But he can't give anything to one person that he doesn't take from the other.

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a dialectic of working time and free time

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This apparent nonsense, which consists in reducing the multiple relationships between humans to this single relationship of use, this metaphysical abstraction results from the fact that in modern bourgeois society all relationships are subsumed in practice under the single abstract monetary and market relationship.

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This theory appeared with Hobbes and Locke, in conjunction with the first and then the second English Revolution, those first coups that allowed the bourgeoisie to conquer political power. Even before that, it has been a tacit assumption among economists.
(…)
Political economy, which in the past was dealt with by finance men, bankers or traders, in other words people who were directly involved in economic realities, or universally cultivated minds such as Hobbes, Locke, Hume to whom it was important as a branch of encyclopedic knowledge - the economy was first elevated to the rank of a particular science only by Physiocrats, and it is since them that it is treated as such. As a specialized science, it encompassed other relationships, political, legal, etc., to the extent that it reduced them to economic relationships. But it considered this subordination of relationships to itself as only one of their aspects, leaving them with their own meaning, independent of the economy.

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The complete subsumption of all existing relationships under the relationship of utility, its unconditional promotion as the exclusive content of all others, can only be found for the first time in Bentham, at a time when, after the French Revolution and the development of large industry, the bourgeoisie no longer appears as a particular class but as the class whose living conditions are those of the whole society. (1846, pp. 185-188)

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The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win. Workers of all countries, unite!

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Ideas can never lead beyond an old state of the world, they can only lead beyond the ideas of the old state of things. Generally speaking, ideas cannot bring anything to a successful conclusion. To bring ideas to fruition, you need people who bring a practical force to bear

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Until now, we have considered the part of the work day where the worker only compensates for the value that the capitalist pays him, as a constant value, what it is reality under invariable production conditions. Beyond this necessary time, the work could be extended by two, three, four, four, five, six, etc., hours. Based on the size of this extension, the rate of appreciation and the length of the day varied. If the working time required was constant, the whole day was variable.

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Although the magnitude ac is fixed, bc seems to be extendable, if not by its extension beyond the fixed point c which at the same time is the final point of the day, at least by moving its initial point b in the direction of a. Suppose that in the line

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bb' is equal to half of bc, i.e. one hour of work. If now in ac point b is moved back to b', the overwork becomes b'c, it increases by half, from two to three hours, although the whole day still counts only twelve hours. This extension of the excess work from bc to b'c, from two to three hours, is however impossible without a contraction from ab to ab', of the necessary work from nine to ten hours. The shortening of the necessary work would thus correspond to the prolongation of surplus labour, or part of the time that until now the worker actually consumes for himself, would be transformed into working time for the capitalist. The limits of the day would not be changed, but its division into necessary and overworked work.

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On the other hand, the duration of overwork is determined as soon as the limits of the day and the daily value of the labour force are given. If it amounts to five shillings - a sum of gold in which ten hours of work are incorporated, then the worker must work ten hours a day to compensate for the value of his force paid daily by the capitalist, or to produce an equivalent of the subsistence he needs for his daily maintenance. The value of these subsistances determines the daily value of its force[1], and the value of its force determines the daily duration of its necessary work.

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(1) The average value of the daily wage is determined by what the worker needs "to live, work and generate". (William Petty: Political anatomy of Ireland. 1672, p. 64.) "The price of labour always consists of the price of things absolutely necessary for life".

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If Le Capital remains today a work "in phase" with real history and universal culture, related to the great books of literature, it is undoubtedly because of the feeling that this book orchestrates more and more deeply the song of the real world, despite the ageing of many objective figures. But it is also undoubtedly because readers secretly perceive, under the massive demonstrations, the anxiety of a long-lasting solitary challenge to the universal capitalist Moloch and his arrogant claim to the "natural" evidence. (Foreword by Jean-Pierre Lefebvre)

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Our friend Weston adopts the Latin proverb: repetitio est mater studiorum, that is to say: repetition is the mother of the study; that is why he takes up his primitive dogma, in another form, namely that the tightening of the means of monetary circulation caused by the increase in wages would lead to a decrease in capital, etc. As I have already demonstrated the falsity of his outdated theory of the means of monetary circulation, I consider it absolutely pointless to focus on the fanciful consequences, which in his imagination result from the imaginary avatars of monetary circulation. I will therefore immediately bring back to its simplest theoretical form its dogma, which it reproduces in such varied forms, but which always remains the same. Only one remark clearly shows the lack of critical thinking with which he deals with his subject.
It is against wage increases or the resulting high wages. But in this case, I ask him: What are high wages and what are low wages? Why is it considered, for example, 5 shillings per week as low pay and 20 shillings per week as high pay? If 5 is low compared to 20, 20 is even lower compared to 200, and if someone gives a lecture on the thermometer, he will not teach us anything by starting to declaim about the lower and higher degrees. He will first have to explain to me how to determine the freezing point and boiling point of water, and demonstrate that these freezing and boiling points
comparison are set by natural laws and not by the whim of merchants or thermometer manufacturers. However, with respect to wages and profits, citizen Weston not only failed to deduce these fixed points from the economic laws, but he did not even feel the need to look for them. He simply adopted the common terms high and low, as if they meant something fixed, whereas it is quite obvious that wages can only be described as high or low compared to a standard by which their magnitude is measured.

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The contradiction between the real political power of the Jew and his political rights is the contradiction between politics and the power of money. Politics is theoretically above the power of money, but practically it has become its absolute prisoner.

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Judaism stood alongside Christianity not only because it constituted the religious criticism of Christianity and personified doubt about the religious origin of Christianity, but also and above all

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What is the secular background of Judaism? Practical need, personal utility. What is the secular cult of the Jew? Traffic. What is his profane God? The money. Well, by emancipating itself from trafficking and money, and therefore from real and practical Judaism, the present time would emancipate itself.

It is not the consciousness of men that determines their existence, but rather their social existence that determines their consciousness. (Critique of Political Economy)

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As for the individual bureaucrat, the goal of the state becomes his private goal: it is the priest in higher positions, it is careerism. First of all, he considers real life as an inert matter because for him the spirit of this life resides in a separate and empowered reality: bureaucracy. The state exists for him only in the form of a multitude of fixed bureaucratic minds, linked only by subordination and passive obedience.

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Invent the unknown. Texts and correspondence about the Commune preceded by Marx Policies by Daniel Bensaïd of Karl Marx
Politics, as Marx tries to think of it, is therefore first and foremost a "policy of the oppressed", the policy of those who are deprived or excluded from it.

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We know that the workers, with courage and genius without example, without leaders, without a common plan, without resources, for the most part lacking weapons, held in check for five days during the army, the mobile guard, the national guard of Paris as well as the national guard that arrived from the province. We know that the bourgeoisie compensated itself for its deadly transes with unheard-of brutality and massacred more than 3000 prisoners.

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When in 1879, Marx received two copies of the Abstract of Cafiero at his home in London, he had every reason to be surprised by their provenance, because if the author was once the emissary of the General Council in Italy, he very quickly became one of its fiercest opponents. This will not prevent Marx, according to his daughter Laura, from considering "Cafiero's work as a very good popular summary of his theory of surplus value".

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The wage is determined by the struggle between capitalist and worker. Victory necessarily belongs to the capitalist.

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The history of any society up to the present day has been nothing more than the history of class struggles.

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The dominant ideas of an era were never more than the ideas of the ruling class.

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All historical movements have so far been minority movements for the benefit of minorities. The proletarian movement is the spontaneous movement of the vast majority for the benefit of the vast majority.

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You are horrified because we want to abolish private property. But in your society, private property is abolished for nine-tenths of its members. It is precisely because it does not exist for these nine-tenths that it exists for you. You therefore reproach us for wanting to abolish a form of ownership that can only be constituted on the condition that the vast majority of society is deprived of any ownership.
In a word, you accuse us of wanting to abolish your own property. In truth, that is our intention.

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Communism does not take away from anyone the power to appropriate social products; it only takes away the power to enslave others' work by means of this appropriation.

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The workers have no homeland. Abolish the exploitation of man by man, and you will abolish the exploitation of one nation by another nation.

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The essential condition of existence and supremacy for the bourgeois class is the accumulation of wealth in private hands, the formation and growth of capital; the condition of capital is labour. Salaried employment is based exclusively on competition between workers.

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Driven by the need for ever new opportunities, the bourgeoisie invaded the entire globe. It must penetrate everywhere, establish itself everywhere, create means of communication everywhere.

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Society is suddenly rejected into a state of temporary barbarism; it seems that a famine, a war of extermination is cutting off all means of subsistence.

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The bourgeoisie produces above all its own gravediggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are also inevitable.

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Hegel points out somewhere that in universal history, great facts and great characters occur, so to speak, twice. He forgot to add: the first time as a tragedy, the second time as a joke. Caussidière and Danton, Louis Blanc and Robespierre, the Mountain of 1848-1851 and the Mountain of 1793-1795, the nephew and uncle.

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Thus, in England, the Tories long imagined that they were enthusiastic about the royalty, the Church and the beauties of the old English Constitution until the day when the danger[of corns laws, laws liberalizing the grain trade] snatched from them the admission that they were only enthusiastic about the land rent.

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Humanity never poses itself only with problems that it can solve, because, on closer examination, it will always appear that the problem itself only arises when the material conditions to solve it exist or at least are in the process of becoming so.

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In all places and at all times, the sycophants of the ruling class have slandered in this infamous way the literary and political champions of the oppressed classes.

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Strangely enough, he only tells about conflicts he has never experienced and only experiences conflicts he has never told. To his hunting stories I must therefore contrast a little real history.

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What the worker sells is not directly his work, but his labour power, which he temporarily makes available to the capitalist. This is so true that the law[...] sets the maximum length of time for which a man has the right to alienate his labour force. If he were allowed to do so for an indefinite period of time, slavery would be restored at the same time. If, for example, such alienation extended to his entire life, it would make him a lifelong slave to his boss.

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Perseus needed a hood of clouds to chase the monsters. We pulled this hood over our eyes and ears, so that we could pretend that monsters didn't exist.

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Even when a society is about to come to know the natural law that governs its evolution [...], it cannot, however, jump or decree out the natural phases of its development. But it can shorten and alleviate the pain of childbirth.

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I am not painting in pink, far from it, the character of the capitalist and the landowner. But these people only intervene here as personification of economic categories, as bearers of class relations and specific interests. Even less than any other, my perspective, which consists in apprehending the development of economic and social training as a natural historical process, cannot make a single individual responsible for relationships and conditions of which he remains socially the product, even if he manages to rise, subjectively, above them.

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Faced with the prejudices of "public opinion" to which I have never made any concessions, I continue to make my own the motto of the great Florentine:

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Go your way, and let people say it! (Dante Alighieri, The Divine Comedy, Purgatory, Fifth Song).

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I point out once and for all that by classical political economy I mean any economy which, starting from William Petty, seeks to penetrate the real and intimate set of production relationships in bourgeois society, as opposed to the vulgar economy which is content with appearances, constantly ruminates for his own needs and for the popularization of the most coarse phenomena the materials already elaborated by his predecessors, and limits himself to pedantically erecting into a system and proclaiming as eternal truths the illusions which the bourgeois likes to populate his own world, the best of all possible worlds.

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In fact, the value of labour products is only firmly established once they are practiced as value quantities. However, these values are constantly changing, regardless of the will, forecasts and actions of the people who are exchanging. Their own social movement has for swingers the form of a movement of things that they do not control, but which they are controlled by. It is necessary to wait for a complete development of market production before experience itself can give birth to the scientific intelligence of the thing: we then understand that these private works, carried out independently by all sides as natural branches of the social division of labour, are permanently reduced to their proportional social measure, because the contingency and constant oscillation of the relationships in which their products are exchanged the socially necessary regulatory working time, just as the law of gravity is imposed when someone takes his house on the corner of the figure[1]. The determination of the value quantity by working time is therefore a secret hidden under the phenomenality of the movements of the relative values of the goods. By discovering this secret, the appearance of a purely random determination of the value quantities of work products is lifted, but their form of things is not removed.

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What immediately distinguishes the worst architect from the best bee is that he built the cell in his head before building it in wax. The result of the work process was already at the beginning in the worker's imagination, so it already existed in idea.

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Only the form in which[the] surplus labour is extracted from the immediate producer, the worker, distinguishes social and economic formations, for example the slave society from that of wage labour.

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Capital is dead labour, which only comes to life by sucking like a vampire of living labour, and which is all the more alive as it sucks more.

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In the United States of North America, all kinds of autonomous labour movements were paralyzed as long as slavery disfigured part of the republic. The work of white skins cannot be emancipated where the work of black skins remains marked with infamy.

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It is just as stupid to consider the Christian-Germanic[family] form as the ancient Roman or Greek or the Eastern form as absolute, all of which constitute a line of historical development between them.

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On a flat plain a small pile of land seems like a hill; we will judge the platitude of our current bourgeoisie by taking the caliber of its "great minds".

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The law that constantly maintains the balance between relative overpopulation, or the reserve industrial army, and the scale and energy of accumulation, rivets the worker much more firmly to capital than the corners of Hephaistus ever nailed Prometheus to his rock. It implies an accumulation of poverty proportional to the accumulation of capital. The accumulation of wealth at one pole therefore means at the same time at the other pole an accumulation of misery, torture at work, slavery, ignorance, brutality and moral degradation for the class whose own product is, from the outset, capital.

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The discovery of the gold and silver lands of America, the extermination and enslavement of the indigenous population, its burial in the mines, the beginnings of the conquest and sacking of the East Indies, the transformation of Africa into a commercial warren for hunting black skins, that is what the dawn of the era of capitalist production is all about.

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If money, as Augier says, "comes into the world with natural blood spots on a cheek", capital comes into the world dripping with blood and dirt through all its pores, from head to toe.

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With equal work and therefore equal participation in the social consumer fund, one therefore actually receives more than the other, one is richer than the other, etc. To avoid all these disadvantages, the law should not be equal, but unequal.

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But these defects are inevitable in the first phase of communist society, as it has just emerged from capitalist society, after a long and painful childbirth. The law can never be higher than the economic state of society and the degree of civilization that corresponds to it.

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Capital is an austere book[...]. It's a bit like the phone book, you turn three pages and pick up the phone.

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It is not the consciousness of men that determines their existence, but rather their social existence that determines their consciousness.

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While believing that all science must be cultivated for its own sake and that no scientific research should be concerned about these possible consequences,[Marx] was of the opinion, however, that the scientist, if he did not want to lower himself, should never cease to participate actively in public life and should never remain confined in his office or laboratory, like a worm in his cheese, without ever getting involved in the life and political and social struggles of his contemporaries

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Marx and Engels realized, in our time, the ideal of friendship that the poets of antiquity depict.

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Capital has now become in reality, as the International Congress has said, the Bible of the working class

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To complain about the heavy, difficult to understand or even painful style of Capital is simply to recognize one's own laziness of mind or inability to think.

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The method of dialectical thinking is not limited to the known "laws of dialectics". It includes a number of mental experimentation processes that Hegel and Marx called the method of ascending from the abstract to the concrete. (...) I am convinced that this method could be very useful in describing Occidentism, but, to date, Le Capital de Marx remains the only example of its application.

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The best study of these capitalist crises remains, in my opinion, the work of K. Marx, which it is good tone today to consider wrong. In fact, it is exactly the opposite.

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It is Marx and I, in part, who must bear the responsibility for the fact that, sometimes, young people give more weight than it is due to him on the economic side. In the face of our adversaries, we had to emphasize the essential principle denied by them, and then we did not always find the time, the place, or the opportunity to give their place to the other factors that participate in the reciprocal action. But as soon as it came to presenting a slice of history, that is, moving on to practical application, things changed and there was no room for error.

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Invent the unknown. Texts and correspondence about the Commune preceded by Marx Policies by Daniel Bensaïd of Karl Marx
Thiers, this monstrous midget, held the French bourgeoisie under his spell for more than half a century, because he is the most complete intellectual expression of his own class corruption.

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... creation of cooperatives, requisitioning of vacant property, expropriations, company takeovers, active strikes with resumption of production, "workers" counter-plans, workers' and popular control, self-management, etc. The "experiences of pooling to develop socially useful activities punctuate the class struggle and are the embryo, the test bench of the response of the society of citizens associated to face the capitalist war

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Taking into account the possibilities of the present requires us to be attentive to the contradictory aspects of the globalized social reality

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An archi-bourgeois English leaf reports that workers' associations can successfully run and administer shops and factories in all branches of industry, and at the same time extraordinarily improve the condition of workers, but... but it is not clear what place they give to the capitalist. What a horror!

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While, according to economists, labour is the only constant price of things, nothing is more uncertain than the price of labour, nothing is exposed to greater fluctuations. While the division of labour increases the productive force, it impoverishes the worker and reduces him to a machine state. While work leads to the accumulation of capital, it makes the worker more and more dependent on the capitalist, throws him into increased competition, pushes him into the unbridled race to overproduction, followed by an equally excessive stagnation.

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The worker becomes poorer as he produces more wealth, as his production increases in power and volume. The worker becomes a commodity all the more vile as he creates more goods. The more the world of things increases in value, the more the world of men devalues itself; one is a direct result of the other.

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The moral of all this is that wars of this kind must be fought in a revolutionary way, and that the Yankees have so far tried to conduct it constitutionally.

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Beyond the profound differences between the two social formations, these incompatible national imaginations clearly played a role in precipitating the conflict

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By exploiting the world market, the bourgeoisie has made the production and consumption of all countries cosmopolitan.

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Introduce paper money into a country where this use of paper is unknown, and everyone will laugh at your subjective representation. Go with your gods to a country where other gods are in honor, and it will be shown that you suffer from hallucinations and abstractions.

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In the meteors, the individual abstract consciousness thus sees its rebuttal become material, the universal become being and nature shining in front of it. She therefore recognizes her mortal enemy in it.